EXCLUSIVE [PART 2] : INTERVIEW WITH PROF. JULKIPLI WADI, former Dean of the UP Institute of Islamic Studies, May 26, 2017

June 12, 2017

…”to make the declaration of martial law effective, it has to come with a comprehensive social reform agenda, short of that, the declaration would just be a declaration….”

Q: You’ve said it would take time before an ideology advanced by ISIS can take root in our country, but don’t you think that the rebellion has gone now for so long that it makes it attractive to younger generations of Muslim fanatics, or fighters?

JW: Well that is precisely the reason why, there is a new strand, what we call the strand of political Islam, different from the earlier Moro National groups, and precisely because the peace process has been dragged for a long time, they feel that the government has been running around, and it in fact created more disenchantment and the cause of frustration among the Moro youth. And therefore they are searching for a new political paradigm, and precisely that is political Islam, as i said common in the Middle East, in other parts of the world. But ideology is just one factor the other factor is precisely the role of technology, or war implements that could be made available to them.

In other words, to be ideological, to be fundamental extremists, may not create problem, unless it is translated into a social project. In other words i can be fundamentalist in thinking, but that doesn’t make me a radical. But unless and until, i translate my fundamentalism into a political project that i become a threat to society, in fact that those not nessaraily happen automatically. That comes with military capabilities, that is why the role of technology,  adn the access to arms and ammunition is so critical.

That if you have an ideology and you can easily access arms and ammunition, then you have a powder keg which, anytime, could explode. So that is why i would contend, that any ideology does not necessarily create a threat. But if you have weak institutions, particularly so-called loopholes or cracks in military and political institutions, then you have a problem. The analogy i used to use is i said if you want to stop the spilling of water, then you close the faucet, because that has been constant since the early days of the abu sayyaf. The likes of then Captain Trillanis, remember the open mutiny? The reason why they rose against the Arroyo government was because they could not accept that the arms used against them, was in fact coming from the armed forces, what happened? Was there investigations done? And is the Administration willing to go deeper into this? In other words, what i’m saying is, if we really take a deeper look into the whole gamut of the muslim problems in the Mindanao Conflict, it may surprise you that most of the causes would probably revolve around, you know, the loophole and pitfalls that are actually present in our political and military institution. So therefore the radicalization of the Muslim youth should not simply be viewed as the cause of the problem that has been going on lingering for years and decades, rather it should be viewed as an effect of the bigger cause, that has been there, unaddressed for a long time. So what i’m saying is, while the declaration of marital law would probably instill certain fears, amongst the radicals, but i’m afraid the effect would be felt by ordinary civilians, not by the radicals, because in the first place, they’ve already accepted their fate as radicals, willing to die and so on so forth. And you know, people that have been intimidated could already not be intimidated continuously. Because their fear, in some sense, has already been translated to a kind of frustration, and that the effect of frustration is resistance against authority, i think this is the story behind the radicalization of the Muslim youth of the past several years. I’m not just referring to the Maute, but the story is resonance with BILF, with BSG, with the MILF, and so on so forth. So its a long story, so my question is, what is there in the BMA, in the Moro struggle, that Moro movements and groups are capable of engaging authorities continuously, even if they differ in the ideological orientations. And whether they were nationalist in the beginning or Islamist these days. So what is in their DNA, i’ve felt there has to be very serious and critical thinking for us to understand them, because i don’t think that the sixty day martial law declaration will be able to solve the problem that has been there for decades, centuries. In my view, the Maute group is just representation of a call for reform. Except that way they say it, is thru violence. And in fact my view, to make the declaration of martial law effective, it has to come with a comprehensive social reform agenda, short of that, the declaration would just be a declaration. It will be probably just temper the cause of radicalization among the Moro youth, it will not create anything. Its only when the comprehensive reform program can be put in place, that we could expect a kind of a engendering of new hope and possibilities for the future.

Unless, its done i felt, a sixty-day declaration of matrial law wouldn’t create anything. In fact, possibly, even if the whole term of the president, comes with it the period of marital law, i think it’s still not enough, because after him, after President Dutrete, unless that reform is put into place, owned by the people, then we will just go back to what we are used to. Dating Gawe, and so on, so forth, and back to zero. Meantime, what happened to the declaration? What i am saying is, i hope it still high-time to rethink and look at the bigger picture, of the Mindanao Conflict and see how a project like the declarations would in fact be made more progressive, i mean it is a serious declaration, and if it is not- i mean could bring the reform agenda, then what’s the use of creating another one, when President Marcos already had to lifted the marital law in 1981, Marcos himself did not solve the cause of his declaration, of martial law, the communists insurgency and the Moro rebels. You know, the irony is, at the time that the leadership of the CPP-NPA and the Moro Front was still around, Joma Sison was still around, Misuari is still around, we have another round of declarations, intended against the radicalization of the Muslim Youth, so it mean we actually have not moved forward, and are sandwiched between declarations. 1971 and 2017, so i hope we realize we should have a progressive society, a history that is able to, you know, embrace the kind of demand and the need of the future, not only because Muslims have been quite belligerent with the state usually also engaged in hard-fist policy. But in my view, that reform agenda is really necessary. Unfortunately, the last time i heard the concept of social reform during the time of President Ramos, the subsequent administration did not follow though.

Q: President Duterte has been very vocal about federalism, and he actually views federalism as the answer to the problems in Muslim Mindanao. Do you think that federalism is the answer?

JW: The administration has been doing the right course i think, in the early days, the reform agenda, could in fact include, central to this is change, this is what i call the social and political restructuring with policy coming from above. But that is only part of the equation, the other part is what i call a cultural revolution coming from below. What i’m saying is, its not enough that you restructure political institutions, there has to be a new culture, a new vision of society, a new way of looking at ourselves and the problems we are facing. In other words a reform, not only on the individual level but on the family level, the communal level, and so on, so forth. Because for so long in time there has been no reform in Muslim areas, many of the progressive stance of Muslim leaders have be siphoned off by Moro struggle for self determination, and because it has not really born fruit because the peace process has been dragged indefinitely, and the call for reform has actually not been forthcoming, so what i’m saying is, a restructuring of political institutions, with policy coming from above, like federalism and other change, and you have a reform agenda coming from below, then you now have a convergence of visions of development, that may last even beyond the administration. Problem is the project called federalism, did not push through, i mean people seems to have lost interest in this, including the call for greater change, the last i heard, the Speaker Alvarez is saying that they will begin talking about federalism in 2018, when in fact the first resolution he filed was the need to move the political system into a federal structure, because i think the administration has been pinned down on the issue of drugs, FEDA, and now you have the issue of martial law, and i think this will linger on, it will affect the timetable on the federalism and i think it is not yet too late for the administration to really rethink the whole thing, return to original promise of the administration, while it has to engage thru counter-terrorism program, any threat groups ,in the south, but to transform a mole-hill into a mountain, that will not solve anything, expect if the intension is something broader, possibly a kind of political assertion of control, not only in Mindanao, but a message, that the next area to be considered to be covered by the declaration is Visayas.

Q: Professor, may i just clarify what you mean by “Turning a molehill into a mountain”?

JW: I think given the past experience with Moro groups also striking urban centers, yet the past administration did not do the same. I felt that today’s declaration is actually an aberration, from the past experience of the pervious administrations, but again, i wont be surprised, because its in the persona of President Dutrete. Of meeting force with force, and using an overwhelming power if only to project certain control on things. I mean his experience in Davao as mayor, continues to be that defining attitude, i think he is more comfortable on working on a position of dominance and power, rather then use diplomacy, especially to groups who don’t want him, but i guess, given the resilience of Moro radicals, and the fact that they had lasted this long, i felt that their are other ways actually the president could do, i mean, he has many relatives, according to him, who are maranaos, and as you know, maranao society is a close-knit society, in Marawi, and even if the Maute are radicals, and they have their own ideology, i think they also respect their elders, and they have what they call “Maratabat” or what you call the sefteem and what they believe as their teretive, or genecology, and this has been time-tested, if there are conficts or Rido, among Maranao families, they usually bring in their elders, and talk about their common problems. My question is, why doesn’t he harness it? The elders amongst Maranaos? In that way i think the Maute would create what they believe their badge of honour. I mean, this is now the claim, so that is what i mean by transforming a mole hill into a mountain. But then again, this declaration is a prerogative of the president, he has his own way for looking at things, and addressing thing, and i would not tell him what to do. But what we’re saying is, there are equally valid options, and way in addressing a problem like those posed by the Mautes

Q: Dutrete has said that he intends to impose curfew in some of the provinces in the autonomous region, and he has also threatened, as he is wont to do, threaten death to those who violate the law.

JW: I call this the “Sindak” Factor, in the style of President Digon, i mean, if you really think about it, there has actually been a continuing militarization in the Muslim areas, for these past several years and decades. In fact military establishments in Muslim areas are strategically located, and it does not wane since the 70s, 80s and 90s, so what’s new with the declaration of martial law and even curfew. In Jolo, for instance, you cannot run around after 7’o clock, you know, people would not dare, walk around the town, and this is also true in many other areas in Muslim areas. So what is new to that holding of a curfew and so on? What I’m saying is, there has to be more creative ways, beyond the traditional approach of the military. Although we could not second guess the approach of the president, because he has been quite successful in Davao. But Davao obviously is a very small city, and is not embedded with a long tradition of a Moro struggle. Like other places in Mindanao. But again, let’s give him the benefit of the doubt, I mean are we contended with the status quo? Without him intervening? And that the whole process would just linger on? With nothing happening? Because traditional politicians are also not doing their jobs? It’s probably what frustrates President Duterte, and I think the reason why he has to come in, and impose martial law. So he has his own persona, he’s own way of doing things, I think we have to appreciate that part, on the contrary, there is a problem that needs creative ways, beyond the declarations of Martial law

Q: So what do you see are the prospects in the near future for Mindanao?

JW: Well, I guess if things would subside, or the smoke of war subside, I think it will not take long for the government to shift its policy and probably even secede the martial law. Because I think they would realize the maute, and other radical groups, are just part of a bigger problem in the south, I mean, you have a legitimate Moro fronts, who are entrenched and fully armed and so on. What are you going to do with this? Given it also has a certain relationship with Moro Radicals and so on, so forth. And the government cannot touch these groups, because it has a peace process with them, so in other words, it will come to realize, the need to address the problem from a multi-dimensional perspective. Not simply, do a martial law, or a military solution, because that has been wrong this past several- You can only neutralize, but you cannot address the root cause of the problem. And I think President Dutrete knows this, but again his persona, he wanted to imprint his signature, you know, first in Mindanao, and we don't know in the rest of the country. DMS